CHAP. VI.

 

Arrival of more settlers to West-Jersey; Their difficulties; Their

purchases from the Indians; They lay out a town; Some of their first

sentiments of the country; and an account of the duke of York's two last

grants, being for the province East and West New-Jersey, separately.

 

Among other purchasers of the West-Jersey lands were two companies, one

made up of some friends in Yorkshire,1 (as hinted in the concessions) the

other of some friends in London; who each contracted for considerable

shares, for which they had patents. In 1677, commissioners (agreeable to

expectation given) were sent by the proprietors, with power to buy the

lands of the natives; to inspect the rights of such as claimed property,

and to order the lands laid out; and in general to administer the

government, pursuant to the concessions: These commissioners were Thomas

Olive, Daniel Wills, John Kinsey, John Penford, Joseph Helmsley, Robert

Stacy, Benjamin Scott, Richard Guy and Thomas Foulke.2 They came in the

Kent, Gregory Marlow, master, being the second ship from London, to the

western parts: After a tedious passage they arrived at New-Castle, the

16th of the 6th month, O.S. King Charles the second, in his barge,

pleasuring on the Thames, came along side, seeing a great many passengers,

and informed whence they were bound, asked if they were all quakers, and

gave them his blessing. They landed their passengers, two hundred and

thirty in number, about Rackoon creek, where the Swedes had some

scattering habitations; but they were too numerous to be all provided for

in houses; some were obliged to lay their beds and furniture in cow

stalls, and appartments of that sort; among other inconveniences to which

this exposed them, the snakes were now plenty enough to be frequently seen

upon the hovels under which they shelterd: Most of the passengers in this

ship were of those called quakers; some of good estates in England. The

commissioners had before left them, and were by this time got to a place

called Chygoes 3 Island, (afterwards Burlington) their business being to

treat with the Indians about the land there, and to regulate the

settlements, having not only the proprietors but governor Andros's

commission for that purpose; for in their passage hither, they had first

dropped anchor at Sandy-Hook, while the commissioners went to New-York to

acquaint him with their design; for tho' they concluded the powers they

had from the proprietors, were sufficient to their purpose; they thought

it a proper respect to the duke of York's commission, to wait on his

governor upon the occasion; he treated them civily, but asked them if they

had anything from the duke, his master? They replied, nothing particularly;

but that he had conveyed that part of his country to lord Berkeley, and he

to Byllinge, &c. in which the government was as much conveyed, as the

soil: The governor replied, all that will not clear me; if I should

surrender without the duke's order, it is as much as my head is worth; but

if you had but a line or two from the duke, I should be as ready to

surrender it to you, as you would be to ask it. Upon which the

commissioners, instead of excusing their imprudence in not bringing such

an order, began to insist upon their right, and strenuously to assert

their independency: But Andros clapping his hand on his sword, told them,

that should defend the government from them, 'till he received orders from

the duke, his master, to surrender it; he however softened, and told them,

he would do what was in his power, to make them easy, 'till they could

send home to get redress; and in order thereto, would commissionate the

same persons mentioned in the commission they produced.4 This they

accepted, and undertook to act as magistrates under him, 'till further

orders came from England, and proceed in relation to their land affairs,

according to the methods prescribed by the proprietors.

 

When arrived at their government, they applied to the Swedes for

interpreters between them and the Indians: Israel Helmes, Peter Rambo, and

Lacy Cock, were recommended: By their help they made a purchase from

Timber Creek to Rankokas Creek, another from Oldman's Creek to Timber

Creek: After this they got Henric Jacobson Falconbre, to be their

interpreter, and purchased from Rankokas Creek to Assunpink:5 But when

they had agreed upon this last purchase, they had not Indian goods

sufficient to pay the consideration, yet gave them what they had, to get

the deed signed; they were however obliged to agree with the Indians not

to settle 'till the remainder was paid: Having travelled through the

country and viewed the land, the Yorkshire commissioners, Joseph Helmsley,

William Emley and Robert Stacy, on behalf of the first purchasers, chose

from the falls of Delaware down, which was hence called the first tenth;

the London commissioners, John Penford, Thomas Olive, Daniel Wills, and

Benjamin Scott, on behalf of the ten London proprietors, chose at

Arwaumus, (in and about where the town of Gloucester now is) this was

called the second tenth: To begin a settlement there, Olive sent up

servants to cut hay for cattle he had bought: When the Yorkshire

commissioners found the others were like to settle at such a distance,

they told them, if they would agree to fix by them, they would join in

settling a town,6 and that they should have the largest share, in

consideration that they (the Yorkshire commissioners) had the best land in

the woods: Being few, and the Indians numerous, they agreed to it. The

commissioners employed Noble, a surveyor, who came in the first ship, to

divide the spot. After the main street was ascertained, he divided the

land on each side into lots; the easternmost among the Yorkshire

proprietors, the other among the Londoners: To begin a settlement, ten

lots of nine acres each, bounding on the west, were laid out; that done,

some passengers from Wickaco, chiefly those concerned in the Yorkshire

tenth, arrived the latter end of October. The London commissioners also

employed Noble, to divide the part of the island yet unsurveyed, between

the ten London proprietors in the manner beforementioned: The town thus by

mutual consent laid out, the commissioners gave it the name first of New-

Beverley, then Bridlington, but soon changed it to Burlington. Some of the

masters of families that came in the ship last mentioned, and settled in

that neighbourhood, were Thomas Olive, Daniel Wills, William Peachy,

William Clayton, John Crips, Thomas Eves, Thomas Harding, Thomas Nositer,

Thomas Fairnsworth, Morgan Drewet, William Pennton, Henry Jenings, William

Hibes, Samuel Lovett, John Woolston, William Woodmancy, Christopher

Saunders, and Robert Powell: John Wilkinson and William Perkins, were

likewise with their families passengers, but dying on the voyage, the

latter were exposed to additional hardships, which were however moderated

by the care of their fellow passengers: Perkins was early in life

convinced of the principles of those called Quakers, and lived well in

Leicestershire; but seeing an account of the country wrote by Richard

Hartshorne, and forming views of advantage to his family, tho' in his 52d

year, he, with his wife, four children and some servants, embarked in

this ship: Among the latter was one Marshall, a carpenter, particularly

serviceable in fitting up habitations for the new comers; but it being

late in the fall when they arrived, the winter was much spent before the

work was begun; in the interim they lived in wigwams, built after the

manner of the Indians. Indian corn and venison, supplied by the Indians,

was their chief food: These people were not then much corrupted with

strong liquors, but generally very friendly and helpful to the English;

notwithstanding it was thought endeavours had been used to make them

otherwise, by insinuations that the English sold them the small-pox in

their matchcoats.7 This distemper was among them, aud a company getting

together to consult about it, one of their chiefs said, - "In my

grandfather's time the small-pox came: In my father's time the small-pox

came; and now in my time the small-pox is come." Then stretching his hands

towards the skies, said, it came from thence. To this the rest assented.

 

Having traced this ship's company into winter quarters, the next in course

is the Willing Mind, John Newcomb commander; she arrived from London, in

November [1677], and dropt anchor at Elsingburgh; brought about sixty or

seventy passengers: Some settled at Salem, others at Burlington; among the

former were James Nevill, Henry Salter, and George Deacon, with their

families. In this year also arrived the Flie-Boat Martha, of Burlington,

(Yorkshire) sailed from Hull the latter end of summer, with one hundred

and fourteen passengers, designed to settle the Yorkshire tenth: Some

masters of families in this ship, were: Thomas Wright, William Goforth,

John Lynam, Edward Season, William Black, Richard Dungworth, George Miles,

William Wood, Thomas Schooley, Richard Harrison, Thomas Hooten, Samuel

Taylor, Marmaduke Horsman, William Oxley, William Ley, and Nathaniel Luke;

the families of Robert Stacy and Samuel Odas; and Thomas Ellis and John

Batts, servants,8 sent by George Hutchinson, also came in this ship.

Twenty of the passengers, perhaps more, were living 45 years afterwards.

 

In one of these ships, or about this time however, arrived John Kinsey,

then a young man; his father one of the commissioners aforementioned,

dying on his arrival, the care of his family fell to him; he was

afterwards a man of distinguished services, in several public stations;

and his son after him, of the same name, the late chief justice of

Pennsylvania, must be long remembered by many in both provinces.

 

Having landed so many of the settlers, it may not be disagreable to know

some of their first sentiments of the country. John Crips in a letter to

Henry Stacy, gives the following account of it:

 

"From Burlington, in Delaware river, the 26th of the 8th month, 1677.

 

"Dear Friend,

 

"Through the mercy of God, we are safely arrived at New-Jersey; my wife

and all mine are very well and we have our healths rather better here than

we had in England; indeed the country is so good, that I do not see how it

can reasonably be found fault with: As far as I perceive, all the things

we heard of it in England, are very true; and I wish that many people

(that are in straits) in England, were here.

 

"Here is good land enough lies void, would serv many thousands of

families; and we think if they cannot live here, they can hardly live in

any place in the world; but we do not desire to persuade any to come, but

such as are well satisfied in their own minds. A town lot is laid out for

us in Burlington, which is a convenient place for trade; it is about one

hundred and fifty miles up the river Delaware; the country and air seems

to be very agreable to our bodies, and we have very good stomachs to our

victuals: Here is plenty of provision in the country; plenty of fish and

fowl, and good venison very plentiful, and much better than ours in

England; for it eats not so dry, but is full of gravy, like fat young

beef. You that come after us need not fear the trouble that we have had,

for now here is land ready divided against you come: The Indians are very

loving to us, except here and there one, when they have gotten strong

liquors in their heads, which they now greatly love: But for the country,

in short, I like it very well; and I do believe, that this river of

Delaware is as good a river as most in the world: It exceeds the river of

Thames by many degrees.

 

"Here is a town laid out for twenty properties, and a straight line drawn

from the river side up the land, which is to be the main street, and a

market place about the middle. The Yorkshire ten proprietors are to build

on one side, and the London ten the other side; and they have ordered one

street to be made along the river side, which is not divided with the

rest, but in small lots by itself; and every one that hath any part in a

propriety, is to have his share in it. The town lots for every propriety

will be about ten or eleven acres, which is only for a house, orchard and

gardens; and the corn and pasture ground is to be laid out in great

quantities.

"I am thy loving friend,

 

"JOHN. CRIPS."

 

Thomas Hooten to his wife, dated 29th 8th month, 1677:

 

"My dear,

 

"I am this present at the town called Burlington, where our land is; it is

ordered to be a town for the ten Yorkshire and ten London proprietors. I

like the place well; our lot is the second next the water side: It's like

to be a healthful place, and very pleasant to live in. I came hither

yesterday, being the 28th of October, with some friends that were going to

New-York. I am to be at Thomas Olive's house, 'till I can provide better

for myself: I intend to build a house, and get some corn into the ground:

And I know not how to write concerning thy coming, or not coming hither;

the place I like very well, and I believe that we may live here very well:

But if it be not made free, I mean as to the customs and government,9 then

it will not be so well, and may hinder many that have desires to come: But

if those two things be cleared, thou may take thy opportunity of coming

this summer.

 

"THOMAS HOOTON."

 

William Clark to the proprietors.

 

"New-Jersey, 20th 2d month, 1678.

 

"Dear Friends,

 

"I doubt not but it will be great satisfaction to you, to hear of mine and

the rest of friends passage to, and safe arrival in New-Jersey: We took

ship the sixteenth of November, and made the land of New-Jersey in thirty-

four days. Now friends, as to this country, there has been much said by

several persons in commendation thereof, both as to the increase of all

sorts of grain and fruits; as also of the plenty of fish, fowl, deer,

swine, &c. that I shall not need to add any thing to it; but in short,

this I have to say, that I do not know any one thing to fall short of what

was reported of this province, but that more might truly have been said of

its pleasant situation, wholesome air, and general and great increase of

all things planted, and especially of Indian corn, which is a very good

and serviceable grain many ways; the English wheat and barley primely

good; but rie and pease much better than any I ever saw in England or

Ireland. I doubt not but you have had an account of all other matters

before this (by those who came to Jersey before me) comes to your hands:

And I have no other end in this, than keeping you from the rash censures

of people that know it not; as also for the good and prosperity of this

good county, &c.

 

"WILLIAM CLARK.

 

"Directed for William Penn, Gawen Lawrie, or Edward Byllinge."

 

John Crips to his brother and sister.

 

"Burlington, in New-Jersey, upon the river Delaware, the 19th of 4th

month, called June, 1678.

 

"Dear and loving brother and sister.

 

"I have received both your letters, wherein I understand your faith

concerning this country, is much shaken, thro several false reports given

thereof; which may be proved false under the hands of several good

friends; I hope as worthy to be believed as that reporter; and such as

have had more experience of this place than he had, or could have, in so

short a time; besides he came among us shortly after our coming hither,

when things were not settled in that order amongst us, as now they are;

neither indeed did he find such entertainment from some, as he expected;

which I suppose makes him speak the worst he can devise of this place: But

I question not but this report will in a short time be wiped away, some of

which in my knowledge, is grossly untrue, as well as contradictions to his

own words; for I remember when I travelled with him through part of New-

Jersey, he confessed that much of this land was as good or better than the

land in Rhode-Island: And it's really my judgment, that those people that

cannot be contented with such a country, and such land as this is they are

not worthy to come here: And this I can truly tell you, if I were now in

England with you (and which I should be very glad to see) yet if all I had

in the world would but bring me hither, I would freely leave you and my

native country, and come to New-Jersey again; which I have said many a

time heretofore, but now write it under my hand, and it's really the

truth, whether you will believe it or not; and farther, I can truly tell

you, that I desire not, nor dare to write the least untruth, to draw you,

nor any others to this place: But I am resolved, if I never see your faces

more, to leave you to your own freedom. But I hope you are not insensible

of my love and desires for you; tho' I am, I say, constrained to forbear

persuading you, or any one else against their own freedoms; yet I think it

my duty to let you, and all men know the truth of things as near as I can.

Your letter saith, "it's reported the water is not so good as in England."

I do not remember that ever I tasted better water in any part of England,

than the springs of this place do yield; of which is made very good beer

and ale; and here is also wine and cyder. And whereas your letter to me

saith, "several have come back from this country to England." Two or three

I suppose: there are lazy idle persons that have done so; but on the other

hand, here are several persons, men of estates, that have been here, and

have gone back to England, and sold their estates and returned with their

whole families, hither again; which methinks should take many of these

scruples out of the way, if nothing else were said or done in praise of

this country: But I suppose there are many in England, that desire to hear

ill of this place, because they would keep their friends there with them;

and they think we never write enough of the bad properties of the country,

and vermin in it.

 

Now this I may say, in short, that here are bears, wolves, foxes, rattle

snakes, and several other creatures, (I do believe because I see the

Indians have such skins to sell) but I have travelled several hundreds of

miles, to and fro, and I never to my knowledge, saw one of those

creatures, except two rattle snakes, and I killed them both: I suppose the

fear of those creatures in England, is far worse to some there, than the

hurt of them is here; and as for the musketto fly, we are not troubled with

them in this place; our land for the most part, lying high and healthy, and

they for the most part, are in a low boggy ground. Thomas Budd and his

family are arrived; the ship lyeth before this town, that brought them: I

wish you have not cause to repent that you came not along with them; they

had a very good passage, and so had the London ship; they are both in the

river at this time. I understand by Thomas Budd, that he did satisfy you

as near as he could, of the truth of things here; and you had as much

reason to believe him, as that other person, and more too; for Thomas had

far more experience of this place, than he could have in the short time he

was among us; so of these things I shall forbear to write any further at

present.

 

"JOHN CRIPS.

 

"To the truth of the contents of these things, we subscribe our names;

Daniel Wills, Thomas Olive, Thomas Harding, Thomas Budd, William Peachy."

 

In the 10th month O.S. 1678, arrived the Shield, from Hull, Daniel Towes

commander, one of the ships mentioned in the above letter, and dropped

anchor before Burlington, being the first ship that came so far up

Delaware: Against Coaquanock 10 being a bold, shore, she went so near in

turning, that part of the tackling struck the trees; some on board then

remarked it was a fine spot for a town: A fresh gale brought her to

Burlington: She moord to a tree, and the next morning the people came

ashore on the ice, so hard had the river suddenly frozen.

 

In her came William Emley, the second time, with his wife, two children,

one born by the way, two men and two women servants; Mahlon Stacy, his

wife, children and several servants, men and women; Thomas Lambert, his

wife, children and several men and women servants; John Lambert and

servant; Thomas Revell, his wife, children and servants; Godfrey Hancock,

his wife, children and servants; Thomas Potts, his wife and children; John

Wood and four children; Thomas Wood, his wife and children; Robert Murfin,

his wife and two children; Robert Schooly, his wife and children; James

Pharo, his wife and children; Susannah Fairnsworth, her children and two

servants; Richard Tattersal, his wife and children; Godfrey Newbold, John

Dewsbury, Richard Green, Peter Fretwell, John Fretwell, John Newbold, one

Barns, a merchant from Hull, Francis Barwick, George Parks, George Hill,

John Heyres, and several more.

 

In this year also arrived a ship from London, which brought John Denn,

Thomas Kent, John Hollinshead, with their families; William Hewlings,

Abraham Hewlings, Jonathan Eldridge, John Petty, Thomas Kirby, with

others: The first of these settled about Salem, the rest at Burlington.

About this time, and a few years afterwards, arrived at Burlington, the

following settlers from England, viz. John Butcher, Henry Grubb, William

Butcher, William Brightwin, Thomas Gardner, John Budd, John Bourten, Seth

Smith, Walter Pumphrey, Thomas Ellis, James Satterthwaite, Richard Arnold,

John Woolman, John Stacy, Thomas Eves, Benjamin Duffield, John Payne,

Samuel Cleft, William Cooper, John Shinn, William Biles, John Skein, John

Warrel, Anthony Morris, Samuel Bunting, Charles Read, Francis Collins,

Thomas Mathews, Christopher Wetherill, John Dewsbury, John Day, Richard

Basnett; John Antrom, William Biddle, Samuel Furnace, John Ladd, Thomas

Rape; Roger Huggins and Thomas Wood.11

 

Some hint has been given respecting the Dutch conquest of New-York and

New-Jersey,12 and that in 1673, they were yielded to king Charles the

second, by the general article of the treaty of peace: It was to prevent

any disputes that might arise upon a plea of the property being thus

alienated from the first purchasers, that that king did, by his letters

patent bearing date the 29th day of June, 1674, grant unto the duke of

York, his heirs and assigns, the several tracts of land in America, which

by the former letters patent had been granted to him; of which New-Jersey

was part. In this year, upon the application of the assigns of lord

Berkely, the duke made them a new grant of West New-Jersey; and in like

manner by an instrument bearing date the 10th of October, granted the

eastern moiety of New-Jersey, to the grandson of Sir George Carteret.

 

1 Thomas Hutchinson, of Beverley in the county of York, yeoman; Thomas

Pierson, of Bonwicke in the said county, yeoman; Joseph Helmsly, of Great

Kelke in the said county, yeoman; George Hutchinson, of Sheffield in the

said county, distiller, and Mahlon Stacy of Hansworth in the said county,

tanner, were all principal creditors to E. Byllinge, to whom several of

the other creditors made assignments of their debts, which together

amounted to the sum of .2450 sterling, and who took in satisfaction of the

said sum seven, full equal and undivided ninetieth parts of ninety equal

and undivided hundred parts of West-Jersey; and the same was conveyed to

them, their heirs and assigns, by William Penn, Gawen Lawne, Rich. Lucas

and Ed. Byllinge, by deed hearing date the first of the month called

March, 1676: And by another conveyance of the same date, from and to the

same persons, in satisfaction for other debts to the amount of .1050

sterling, three other full equal and undivided ninetieth parts of the

aforesaid ninety equal and undivided hnndred parts of West-Jersey were

also conveyed.

 

2 Richard Guy came in the first ship: John Kinsey, died at Shackamaxon

soon after his landing; his remains were interr'd at Burlington, in ground

appropriated for a burying ground, but now a street.

 

3 From Chygoe, an Indian sachem, who lived there.

 

4 John Fenwick having neglected this precaution, as to the government of

his tenth, was sent for a prisoner to New-York.

 

5 The deed for the lands between Rankokas creek and Timber creek bears

date the 10th of September, 1677; that for the lands from Oldman's creek

to Timber creek the 27th of September, 1677, and that from Rankokus creek

to Assunpink the 10th of October, 1677: By the consideration paid for the

lands between Oldmans and Timber creek, a judgment may be formed of the

rest. It consisted of 30 matchcoats, 20 guns, 30 kettles and one great

one, 30 pair of hose, 20 fathom of duffelds, 30 petticoats, 30 narrow

hoes, 30 bars of lead, 15 small barrels of powder, 70 knives, 30 indian

axes, 70 combs, 60 pair or tobacco tongs, 60 scissars, 60 tinshaw looking-

glasses, 120 awl-blades, 120 fish-hooks, 2 grasps of red paint, 120

needles, 60 tobacco boxes, 120 pipes, 200 bells, 100 Jewsharps, 6 anchors

of rum. In the year 1703, another purchase was made by the council of

proprietors of West-Jersey, of land lying above the falls of Delaware;

another also about that time of lands at the head of Rankokas river, and

several purchases afterwards included the whole of the lands worth taking

up in West-Jersey, except a few plantations reserved to the Indians; one

of these in particular ought to be noted in this place, to the honour of

John Wills, sometime one of the council, by whose advice the indian sachem,

called king Charles, laid an English right on a large plantation at

Weekpink, containing a valuable tract of land, in the county of

Burlington, which is so contrived as to remain unalienable from his

posterity, who now enjoy the benefit of it.

 

The following are entries from the records of the council of proprietors

relating to the purchases above:

 

"At a meeting of the council of proprietors at Burlington, the second day

of November, anno 1703. PRESENT: George Deacon, president, Samuel

Jennings, Thomas Gardner, Christopher Wetherill, John Reading. ORDERED,

That John Wills, William Biddle, jun. and John Reading, or any two of

them, do go up to the Indians above the Falls, and particularly to

Caponockous, in order to have the tract of land lately purchased of the

Indians marked forth, and get them to sign a deed for the same; as also to

receive the residue of the goods as yet unpaid, or so many of them that

can be had, and to give him an obligation for the payment of the remaining

part next spring. Ordered likewise, That the persons abovesaid, do go to

Nimhammoe's wig-wam, in order to treat with him, to see the bounds of the

land lately purchased of him, to mark the same if it may be, and to pay

him what part of the goods is already procured in part towards the said

purchase; and to do what else may be necessary towards perfecting

purchases of the concerns with the said Indians, and compleating of the

aforesaid; the said persons also taking with them Thomas Foulke, Andrew

Heath, or some other proper person, to be an interpreter between them and

the Indians.

 

"At a meeting of the council of proprietors at Burlington, on the 27th day

of June, anno dom. 1703. PRESENT: Mahlon Stacy, Thomas Gardner, John

Wills, George Deacon, Christopher Wetherill, Samuel Jennings and John

Reading. The persons appointed to treat with the indians, at the Falls, do

make report, that they accordingly met with the Indians, and made a full

agreement with them, that is to say, with Himhammoe, for one tract of

land, adjoining to the division line, and lying on both sides of Rariton

River, for the goods mentioned in a certain list for that purpose made;

and also with Coponnockou, for another tract of land, lying between the

purchase made by Adlord Boude, and the bounds of the land belonging to

Nimhammoe, fronting upon Delaware river, for the goods mentioned in a

particular list made to that end. Ordered, That publick notice be given to

the proprietors within this province, that they meet together at

Burlington, on the 19th day of July next, in order to inform them, that a

purchase is made, upon what terms, and also that all such may deposit

their proportions of the charge, that expect to receive benefit thereby;

which paper of publication is in these words:

 

"By the council of proprietors sitting in Burlington, the 28th day of

June, anno dom. 1703. Whereas many of the proprietors of this province

have at sundry times addressed the council of proprietors, that they might

be allowed a third dividend or taking up of land, proportionable to their

particular and respective rights in the said province: Now this may

certify, that the said council having taken into their consideration the

request of the said proprietors, and in order to answer the same, have

lately made an Indian parchase of lands situate above the falls of

Delaware; and therefore all proprietors who are concerned therein, or

expect to receive benefit thereby, are hereby required to meet with the

said council at Burlington, on the nineteenth day of July next, that they

may be more particularly informed concerning the said purchase, and upon

what terms and conditions it is made, and also to deposite their

respective proportions of the said purchase, and all other charge accruing

thereby. Given under my hand per order, and on the behalf of the said

council, the day and year above said.

 

"Upon the application of Mahamickwon, alias king Charles, an Indian

sachem, unto the council of proprietors, concerning the bounds of two

Indian purchases, formerly made from Rankokas creek to Timber creek, and

from Rankokas to Assunpink, in which deeds is mentioned the bounds to be

from the uppermost head of Rankokas to the uppermost head of Timber creek,

and by a right line exteding from the uppermost head of Rankokas to the

line of partition of Sir George Carteret, right against the uppermost head

of Assunpink; which bounds were inserted through misunderstanding between

the interpreters and the English, and in truth ought to be according to a

line that was afterwards actually run by agreement, made between the

English and the Indians, and which comes lower upon the creek than the

uppermost heads thereof; which said line the said king Charles desires may

be allowed, entered and recorded, as the true and right bounds of said

purchase and that the abovementioned bounds may be vacated and held

utterly void for the future, to which the council assents: informing the

sachem, that they always did and now do acknowledge and own the last

mentioned line to be the true limits of those purchases, and order the

same as actually run and marked by the English and Indians, to be approved

and held only for the true line of the abovementioned purchases; and that

the first mentioned and mistaken bounds be accounted null and void; and

also that a record be accordingly made thereof.

 

"At a meeting of the council of proprietors, the 19th of July, 1703.

PRESENT: Samuel Jenings, Thomas Gardner, George Deacon, Christopher

Wetherill, John Hugg, Isaac Sharp, and John Reading; the president absent.

Memorandum, to inform the proprietors, First, That the council have made

two Indian purchases, amounting to, according to our best computation, the

number of 150,000 acres at the least, the cost whereof to the Indians,

with other incidental charges, will amount to about the sum of .700.

Secondly, That it is the design of the said council, to give publick

notice to the proprietors in England and elsewhere, what purchase is

already made, of the opportunity of purchasing more land, that may be

sufficient to allow the number of 5000 acres for each dividend to a

propriety, and of the cost thereof, which by as near an estimation as we

can make, will be about 24 l. propriety for each dividend; and that if the

said proprietors will appoint their agents, and defray their

proportionable part of the charges, on or before the 20th day of July,

anno dom. 1704, that then they shall receive their respective rights,

after the same method that the rest of the proprietors do, at any time

after the 18th of October 8, 1704. Thirdly, But if the said absent

proprietors shall neglect or refuse to pay their parts of the said charge,

then that the said Indian purchase already made, shall be taken up by such

proprietary residents in these parts, that shall deposite their respective

parts of the said purchase; which at 5000 for the dividend to a propriety,

will amount to about 30 proprieties, which we judge will nearly answer all

the proprietors who are or have agents in these parts. Fourthly, It is

expected, that all such proprietors who design to be interested for the

Indian purchase, do in some short time, advance their particular parts of

the said costs, in order to pay the Indians off according to agreement

made with them." Jeremiah Bass, attorney to the West-Jersey-Society, made

a purchase on their behalf, in 1693, of the lands between Cohansick creek

and Morris's river. [Vid. Revell's book, secretary's office, Burl. p.

325.] Many other Indian purchases were before and afterwards, from time to

time occasionally made, as the lands were wanted, in both East and West

Jersey; they are too numerous to be all particularized; and one hereafter

mentioned, compleated the whole that was left.

 

6 In pursuance of the charter brought with them from England.

 

7 Thomas Budd, who own'd a share of propriety in West-Jersey, and ancestor

to a large family there, who arrived at Burlington in 1768 [sic for 1678,

as per John Crips' letter - Ed. note], in a pamphlet describing the

country, about nine or ten years afterwards, says, "The Indians told us,

in a conference at Burlington, shortly after we came into the country,

they were advised to make war on us, and cut us off while we were but few;

for that we sold them the small pox, with the matchcoat they had bought of

us; which caused our people to be in fears and jealousies concerning them;

therefore we sent for the Indian kings to speak with them, who with many

more Indians came to Burlington, where we had a conference with them about

the matter; we told them we came amongst them by their own consent, and

had bought the land of them, for which we had honestly paid them; and for

what commodities we had bought at any time of them, we had paid them for,

and had been just to them, and had been, from the time of our first

coming, very kind and respectful to them; therefore we know no reason that

they had to make war on us; to which one of them, in behalf of the rest,

made this following speech in answer. 'Our young men may speak such words

as we do not like nor approve of; and we cannot help that; and some of

your young men may speak such words as you do not like, and you cannot

help that: We are your brothers, and intend to live like brothers with

you; we have no mind to have war; for when we have war, we are only skin

and bones, the meat that we eat doth not do us good; we always are in fear,

we have not the benefit of the sun to shine on us, we hide us in holes and

corners; we are minded to live at peace. If we intend at any time to make

war upon you, we will let you know of it, and the reasons why we make war

with you; and if you make us satisfaction for the injury done us, for which

the war was intended, then we will not make war on you; and if you intend

at any time to make war on us, we would have you let us know of it, and

the reason; and then if we do not make satisfaction for the injury done

unto you, then you may make war on us, otherwise you ought not to do it;

you are our brothers, and we are willing to live like brothers with you;

we are willing to have a broad path for you and us to walk in, and if an

Indian is asleep in this path, the Englishman shall pass by, and do him no

harm; and if an Englishman is asleep in this path, the Indian shall pass

him by, and say, "He is an Englishman, he is asleep; let him alone, he

loves to sleep." It shall be a plain path; there must not be in this path

a stump to hurt our feet. And as to the small pox, it was once in my

grandfathers time, and it could not be the English that could send it to

us then, there being no English in the country: And it was once in my

father's time, they could not send it us then neither; and now it is in my

time, I do not believe that they have sent it as now; I do believe it is

the man above that hath sent it us.'

 

"Some are apt to ask, how we can propose safely to live amongst such a

heathen people, as the Indians, whose principles and practices leads them

to war and bloodshed, and ours on the contrary to love enemies? I answer:

That we settled by the Indians consent and good liking, and bought the land

of them that we settle on; which they conveyed to us by deeds, under their

hands and seals, and also submitted to several articles of agreement with

us, viz. not to do us any injury: But if it should so happen that any of

their people at any time should injure or do harm to any of us, then they

to make us satisfaction for the injury done; therefore if they break these

covenants and agreements, then in consequence of them, they may be

proceeded against as other offenders, viz. to be kept in subjection to

the magistrate's power, in whose hand the sword of justice is committed,

to be used by him for the punishment of evil doers, and praise of them

that do well; tlierefore I do believe it to be both lawful and expedient

to bring offenders to justice, by the power of the magistrate's sword;

which is not to be used in vain, but may be used against such as raise

rebellions and insurrections against the government of the country, be

they christians or Indians (now that these have so far agreed to abide by

the laws of civil government) otherwise it is in vain for us to pretend to

magistracy or government; it being that which we own to be lawful both in

principle and practice. - The Indians have been very serviceable to us by

selling us venison, Indian-corn, pease and beans, fish and fowl, buck-

skins, beaver, otter, and other skins and furrs; the men hunt, fish and

fowl, and the women plant the corn and carry burthens: There are many of

them of a good understanding, considering their education, and in their

publick meetings of business, they have excellent order, one speaking

after another; and while one is speaking, all the rest keep silent, and do

not so much as whisper one to the other; we had several meetings with

them; one was in order to put down the sale of rum, brandy, and other

strong liquors, to them, they being a people that have not government of

themselves so as to drink in moderation; At which time there were eight

kings [One of them was Okanickon, a noted friend to the English; of whom

more in the viiith chapter] and many other Indians. The kings sat on a

form, and we on another over against them; they had prepared four belts of

wampum, (so their current money is called, being black and white beads

made of a fish-shell) to give us as seals of the covenant they made with

us; one of the kings, by the consent and appointment of the rest, stood up

and made this following speech. 'The strong liquor was first sold to us by

the Dutch; and they were blind, they had no eyes, they did not see that it

was for our hurt: The next people that came among us were the Swedes, who

continued the sale of those strong liquors to us; they were also blind,

they had no eyes, they did not see it to be hurtful to us to drink it,

although we know it to be hurtful to us; but if people will sell it to us,

we are so in love with it that we cannot forbear it; when we drink it, it

makes us mad, we do not know what we do, we then abuse one another, we

throw each other into the fire. Seven score of our people have been killed

by reason of the drinking it, since the time it was first sold us: Those

people that sell it are blind, they have no eyes; but now there is a

people come to live amongst us, that have eyes, they see it to be for our

hurt, and we know it to be for our hurt: They are willing to deny

themselves the profit of it for our good: These people have eyes; we are

glad such a people are come amongst us; we must put it down by mutual

consent; the cask must be sealed up; it must be made fast, it must not

leak by day nor by night, in the light nor in the dark; and we give you

these four belts of wampum, which we would have you lay up safe, and keep

by you, to be witnesses of this agreement that we make with you; and we

would have you tell your children, that these four belts of wampum are

given you to be witnesses betwixt us and you of this agreement.'"

 

8 Many that came servants, succeeded better than some that brought states;

the first inured to industry, and the ways of the country, became wealthy,

while the others obliged to spend what they had in the difficulties of

first improvements; and others living too much on their original stock,

for want of sufficient care to improve their estates, have, in many

instances, dwindled to indigency and want.

 

9 The customs were those imposed at New-Castle, upon all comers (of which

we shall presently see a more particular account) the government was yet

administered by virtue of governor Andros's commission, both which were

unexpected and disagreable: but these objections were soon removed.

 

10 The Indian name of the place where Philadelphia now stands.

 

11 Several of these have died within a few years past; whether any but

Wood are yet living, cannot here be told.

 

12 The accounts of that affair, tho' sufficient to authenticate the facts,

are defective: Sir George Carteret in a publick declaration to the

inhabitants, dated July 31, 1674, asserts it positively. The ingenious

author of the history of New-York, says, (p. 29, 30, 31.) "A few Dutch

ships arrived the 30th of July 1673, under Staten-island, at the distance

of a few miles from the city of New-York. John Manning a captain of an

independent company, had at that time the command of the fort, and by a

messenger sent down to the squadron, treacherously made his peace with the

enemy. On that very day, the Dutch ships came up, moored under the fort,

landed their men, and entered the garrison, without giving or receiving a

shot. A council of war was afterwards held at the Stadt-House, at which

were present, Cornelius Evertse, jun. and Jacob Benkes, commodores, and

Anthony Colve, Nicholas Boes, Abraham Ferd. Van Zyll, captains. All the

magistrates and constables from East-Jersey, Long Island, Esopus and

Albany, were immediately summoned to New-York; and the major part of them

swore allegiance to the States General, and the prince of Orange. Col.

Lovelace was ordered to depart the province, but afterwards obtained leave

to return to England with commodore Renkes. It has often been insisted on,

that this conquest did not extend to the whole province of New-Jersey; but

upon what foundation I cannot discover: From the Dutch records it appears,

that deputies were sent by the people inhabiting the country, even so far

westward as Delaware river, who in the name of their principals, made a

declaration of their submission; in return for which, certain privileges

were granted to them, and three judicatories erected at Niewer Amstel,

Upland, and Hoarkill. - The Dutch governor enjoyed his office but a very

short season, for on the 9th of February 1674, the treaty of peace between

England and the States General was signed at Westminster; the sixth

article of which restored this country to the English."